Futbolnomics
Economia del futbol

How the World Cup turns a Coca-Cola into an aristocrat's luxury for two hours

In the stadium you don't pay for the drink, you pay for the context. The 2026 World Cup is a machine for reclassifying the cheap as temporary luxury, and Atlanta proves it was a choice, not a fate.

Bruno SolerBy Bruno Soler·June 22, 2026·7 min read

In Miami someone served hash browns with caviar for 75 dollars. Grated, fried potatoes, the same ones any ordinary person wolfs down at a cheap breakfast, crowned with fish roe and a price tag fit for a white-tablecloth restaurant. It's no joke. It's the menu planned for the 2026 World Cup, where a combo of hot dog, chips and soda would run around 19.35 dollars before tip, and a brisket sandwich in Toronto would brush up against 40 Canadian dollars. Beer, in several host cities, looks set to top 20. And all of this without the product changing a single gram.

The thesis is simple and a little uncomfortable. The stadium during a major tournament doesn't make the drink more expensive because the drink is worth more. It makes it more expensive because it changes the place, the clock and the head of the person paying. The liquid is the same as always. What is bought and sold is the context, that intangible thing that lets you multiply a soda by ten and have people accept it almost gratefully. The World Cup is, in essence, a reclassification machine. It takes a popular good, places it inside a controlled perimeter, and spits it back out transformed into temporary luxury.

What's interesting about the matter is that the multipliers in play border on the comically brutal. A stadium beer in Toronto can be estimated at around 24 Canadian dollars, while the official retail floor in Ontario for a 473-milliliter beer sits at 2.30. Multiplier, ten and a half times. In Mexico City venue beers move in figures of several hundred pesos, when that same Victoria can sells in a supermarket for under 25 pesos a unit. Twelve, twelve and a half. This isn't inflation. Inflation doesn't multiply by twelve overnight. This is something else.

It's worth clarifying what we mean when we talk about an index. There is no single price for the World Cup soda, but rather a family of multipliers ranging from the reasonable to the scandalous. The heart of the story isn't one concrete figure, but the range of transformation. From one extreme to the other there's an abyss, and that abyss isn't explained by the cost of production. It's explained by the degree of commercial confinement of the place where you're sitting.

Because that's where the markup comes from, not from the sugar or the transport. It comes from the structure of control. In major venues, the supplier receives the sole and exclusive right to sell food and drink inside the stadium and its surroundings. A concession contract for the Minnesota stadium puts it in writing in those very words, and it also sets commissions on gross sales, audits, real-time data and guaranteed minimum payments to the licensor. The price you pay doesn't just compensate the product and the kid who serves it to you. It compensates the rent of exclusivity. You pay for the fact that no one else can sell you a beer in that moment.

And that rent is divided into layers. Concession agreements at modern arenas usually leave the team a majority percentage of revenue from their own events, different brackets for premium suites and bars, and half the net income on third-party subcontracts, plus annual investment funds. It's not a World Cup contract, but it paints the picture. Before the price touches the real cost of the hot dog, it has already passed through several hands that take their bite. The product is cheap to make. What's expensive is buying the right to sell it without competition when 80,000 people want the same thing at the same time.

In the 2026 World Cup the chain becomes even more rigid. Prices are set by the venues based on their local operators, but with final validation from FIFA and from On Location, its hospitality arm. FIFA imposes rules on almost everything and the concessionaires follow its guidelines, even though the offering varies by city. It's not an improvised bar. It's a hybrid commercial architecture between the local operator, the global organizer and the authorized sponsors. Even the physical environment is domesticated. In Santa Clara they covered up the Levi's Stadium signage to comply with the tournament's requirements. And the spectator is channeled from the door. MetLife allows food in a transparent bag and a sealed bottle of up to 20 ounces, and prohibits the rest. BMO Field limits exceptions to allergies or medical needs. Hard Rock only admits food in a clear plastic bag. You walk in already steered toward the only bar that exists.

The juiciest question is not why it costs so much, but why people pay it without staging a revolt. Here is where Richard Thaler comes in with his classic beer example. The same can seems more acceptable if it comes from a resort than from a run-down store, even if it's identical. In the stadium nobody compares the price to the supermarket. They compare it to the mental category of the special day, of the expensive trip, of the World Cup. The pain threshold shifts on its own.

Then there's the sunk cost, which is the concessionaire's best ally. Whoever has already shelled out for tickets, flight, hotel, transport and hours of queuing perceives the 24-dollar beer as a marginal expense within a giant mental account. Thaler explained it well. The consumer wants to close out the event's account by enjoying it, not by admitting they came up short. After spending hundreds or thousands to be there, the expensive drink stops seeming like madness and becomes the final toll of the experience. It's pure psychology, and the prices know it better than you do.

There's a third factor, more prosaic. People pay for time. A study on beer consumption at stadiums found that fans value temperature enormously and, above all, queue time. If a purchase saves you from missing minutes of the match or a social moment, your willingness to pay goes up. In a World Cup every minute weighs more because the event is irrepeatable. And the fourth factor is social. A German fan in Vancouver summed it all up with a phrase, that it's fine, more or less, for the World Cup. He isn't buying calories. He's buying belonging, ritual and narrative. The cup is almost an edible souvenir.

The honest objection is that football didn't invent this. It's the experience economy taken to the extreme, and it's everywhere. Cruises draw a huge portion of their revenue from onboard spending, around a third of the total. In cinemas, the real cost of food and drink is a tiny fraction of what they take in from it, barely a fifth. Live Nation boasts to its investors about better monetizing fan spending at its venues. Theme parks live obsessed with per capita spending. Nothing new under the sun.

But the stadium concentrates three things at once that make it the harshest variant. A very short time window, very high emotional intensity and zero competition once you're inside. Airports resemble it so closely that they've had to invent rules to rein themselves in. The Port Authority of New York requires its concessionaires to prove that their prices fit a street-comparison policy. San Diego uses the street-plus-15 criterion. If the airport, the textbook captive market, needs rules to keep from running wild, and the major-event stadium has none, then the stadium is the most extreme form of the phenomenon. It sells dear at the emotional peak of the day to an audience that has already buried a fortune in sunk costs.

And then Atlanta shows up to dismantle the alibi of inevitability. Mercedes-Benz Stadium maintains its fan first pricing even for the World Cup. Soda at 2 dollars, water at 3, pizza at 3, a small domestic beer at 5. The same tournament that in Toronto multiplies the beer by ten leaves it, in Atlanta, near the neighborhood price. There's no logistical magic behind it. It's a management decision. When the club cut many prices nearly in half, the average spending per person on concessions rose 16 percent. By selling cheaper they took in more. The high price is not inevitable. It's a business model chosen knowingly, and Atlanta is the living proof that it could have been done another way.

There the paradox stands with all its edge. The caviar on the potatoes doesn't turn the potatoes into something else. It's still peasant food disguised for two hours in an expensive label, inside a venue that has decided context is worth more than content. The next time you pay 24 dollars for a lukewarm beer in an endless queue, remember that you're not buying the beer. You're renting the permission to feel part of something, and that rent never came at a supermarket price.

Was this useful?
Share
Bruno Soler

Bruno Soler

Economics and strategy

Bruno Soler is an economist with an MBA. It was during that master's that he met Carla Costa, and together they spotted a gap in how football is covered: most media focus on what happens on the pitch, while very few explain the economic forces that shape the sport. With that idea they founded Futbolnomics, an outlet specialized in the business of football, where Bruno brings his experience in economics, business strategy and finance to explain — with data and context — how clubs, transfer markets, broadcasting rights, competitions and the multi-billion-dollar industry actually work.

Keep reading

Weekly newsletter · free

The week's accounts, every Sunday morning

One long read and the numbers behind football's money. No noise, no transfer rumours.

No spam. For now this is just a preview and your email is not stored.